2019年CATTI三級筆譯實務(wù)練習(xí)題：另一場總統(tǒng)選舉
漢譯英
另一場總統(tǒng)選舉
和世界上其他地區(qū)的民眾一樣，歐洲人也為今年的美國總統(tǒng)選舉著迷，但是，很少有人知道今年秋天歐盟也將選出自己的主席。根據(jù)新近簽訂的《里斯本條約》規(guī)定所設(shè)立的這個新職位是歐洲理事會第一位常任主席，該理事會匯集了歐盟27個成員國的政府首腦。在與其他外國首腦，特別是美國總統(tǒng)打交道時，理事會主席將很有可能成為歐盟的代言人。
不幸的是，歐盟在高層職務(wù)人選問題上歷來都是爭吵不斷。還記得1994年英國對任命讓一呂克·德阿納為歐盟委員會(歐盟的執(zhí)行機構(gòu))主席這一決定所投的反對票嗎?還記得2004年法德兩國把后來的比利時首相居伊·付思達(dá)硬塞到這個位置上的企圖是怎么落空的嗎?最糟糕的是1998年5月啟動歐元的峰會，這場會議在歐洲中央銀行行長的人選問題上足足爭論了12個小時。最后，紛爭以一個曖昧的交易收場，即由荷蘭人維姆·德伊森貝赫和法國人讓一克勞德·特里謝分享這八年的任期。
這樣的不良記錄，不免使人對第一任歐洲理事會主席的遴選有一種不祥的預(yù)感。況且，這還不是歐盟需要產(chǎn)生的唯一高層職務(wù)。根據(jù)《里斯本條約》，歐盟還將設(shè)立一個類似外交部長的職務(wù)，該部長將兼任外交事務(wù)專員。2009年還將選出歐盟委員會和歐洲議會的新主席。由于法國在2008年下半年擔(dān)任歐盟輪值主席國，對這些職位的人選進行協(xié)商的任務(wù)自然將落到了法國總統(tǒng)尼古拉·薩科奇身上。
圍繞這些關(guān)差而展開的博弈已然拉開了序幕，而此時正值時間安排和協(xié)議磋商的微妙之際：一方面，新任外交部長將取代現(xiàn)任的外交事務(wù)專員，另一方面，將于2009年6月產(chǎn)生的新一屆歐洲議會也會要求至少對這三個職位要有發(fā)言權(quán)。對絕大多數(shù)職位的抉擇將采用“簡單多數(shù)”的表決方式來進行，而不像過去那樣需要獲得一致通過，否決權(quán)的使用將從此終結(jié)——不過，沒有人蒂望自己在任何歐盟大國的反對聲中當(dāng)選。
目前，對歐洲理事會主席候選人的種種猜測已經(jīng)滿城風(fēng)雨，盡管該職務(wù)的具體職能及其與歐盟輪值主席國政府的關(guān)系依然還很模糊。然而，這種不確定性可能意味著首位任職者的個人特質(zhì)將決定這個角色的具體定位。去年，薩科奇曾暗示他將力挺英國前首相托尼·布萊爾擔(dān)任此職。由于該職位是由布萊爾首先力主設(shè)立的，因此他倒不失為一個合適的人選。但是，正如所有排名在前的競爭者一樣，他也遭遇了反對的阻力：因為他在伊拉克問題上與美國同流合污，因為他來自于歐盟大國，因為他不夠親歐，也因為英國既不是歐元區(qū)又不是申根護照自由區(qū)成員。
由此又有了一長串其他名字：盧森堡首相讓一克勞德·容克，奧地利前總理沃爾夫?qū)鵲許塞爾，丹麥?zhǔn)紫喟仓Z斯·福格·拉斯穆森以及愛爾蘭前總理伯蒂·埃亨。他們中有的丑聞纏身，如伯蒂·埃亨;有的則淡淡地否認(rèn)自己對這一職位的興趣，比如福格·拉斯穆森。和歐洲電視歌曲大賽一樣，鄰國通常彼此關(guān)照，相互支持：德國人傾向于許塞爾，比利時人親睞容克，而斯堪的納維亞人則更偏愛福格·拉斯穆森。因為歐盟成員國政府(現(xiàn)在還包括意大利)大多屬于中右派，首位歐洲理事會主席大概也是如此。然而，如果葡萄牙的仃塞·曼努埃爾·巴羅佐再次當(dāng)選歐盟委員會主席的話(這是很可能的)，一位中左派的歐洲理事會主席或許是一種不錯的平衡。
至于想象中的外交部長，現(xiàn)任歐盟外交事務(wù)專員的西班牙人索拉納或許會留任該職位，至少一年左右。但是他也并非無人反對，因此還有一些其他名字在關(guān)注之列，其中包括瑞典外長卡爾·比爾特、法國農(nóng)業(yè)部長米歇爾·巴尼耶和比利時前首相付思達(dá)，甚至德國的前外長費舍爾也在其中。
如果在過去，這些職務(wù)或許已經(jīng)被薩科奇，德國的安吉拉·默克爾，也許還有英國的戈登·布朗定于密室了。這三大巨頭，特別是默克爾的意見現(xiàn)在依然很重要。但是歐盟成員國如今已達(dá)27個，包括十個東歐國家。這樣，要在一個職位的人選上達(dá)成一致更為艱難，就更不用說四個職位了。這種情況也許會促成一位中規(guī)中矩的主席人選：容克或是許塞爾，如果前者被布萊爾頂出局的話。
參考譯文
The Other Presidential Race
Europeans are as fascinated as the rest of the world by this year's American presidential election. Rather fewer are aware that this autumn the European Union will choose a president of its own. The job being created by the new Lisbon Treaty is that of the first permanent president of the European Council, the body that brings together all 27 heads of EU governments. The president may well turn into the EU's public face in dealing with, among others, his American counterpart.
Unfortunately, the EU has a history of dreadful rows over top jobs. Remember Britain's veto in 1994 of Jean-Luc Dehaene as president of the European Commission (the EU's executive branch), or the failed Franco-German attempt to squeeze a later Belgian prime minister, Guy Verhofstadt, into the job in 2004 Worst was the summit to launch the euro in May 1998, which degenerated into a 12-hour squabble over who should run the European Central Bank. It was settled by a dubious deal to split the eight-year term between a Dutchman, Wim Duisenberg, and a Frenchman, Jean-Claude Trichet.
Such a record fills one with foreboding over the choice of the first EU president. And this is not the only top job in play. Under Lisbon, there will also be a quasi-foreign minister who will double up as the external-affairs commissioner. In 2009 there will be new presidents of the European Commission and of the European Parliament. The task of negotiating over these posts will fall to President Nicolas Sarkozy, since France holds the rotating EU presidency in the second half of 2008.
Circling around these plums has begun. There are delicacies of timing and consultation: the foreign minister will replace an existing commissioner, and the European Parliament, to be re-elected in June 2009, will want a say in at least three of the jobs, Most of the choices will be made by majority vote and not, as in the past, by unanimity, ending the right of veto – though nobody would want to be picked over the objections of a big EU country.
Speculation over candidates to be European Council president is rife even though the functions of the job remain fuzzy, as does its relationship to governments that still hold the rotating EU presidency. But that uncertainty may mean the role is determined by the personality of its first holder. Last year Mr. Sarkozy hinted that he would back Britain's Tony Blair for the job. Since Mr. Blair pushed for the post's creation in the first place, he might seem suitable. But like all front-runners, he has met opposition: because he joined America in Iraq, because he comes from a big EU country, because he is not pro-European enough, because Britain is not in the euro or the Schengen passport-free zone .
Hence a trickle of other names: Luxembourg's Jean-Claude Juncker, Austria's Wolfgang Schussel, Denmark's Anders Fogh Rasmussen, Ireland's Bertie Ahern. Some are tarred by scandal (Mr. Ahern) ; others routinely deny any interest in the job ( Mr. Fogh Rasmussen). As in the Eurovision song contest , neighbours often back each other: the Germans lean towards Mr. Schussel, the Belgians like Mr. Juncker and Scandinavians favour Mr. Fogh Rasmussen. Because a majority of EU governments are from the centre-right (now including Italy's), the first president may be too. But if Jose Manuel Barroso of Portugal is reselected as president of the European Commission, which looks likely, a centre-left European Council president might be a good balance.
As for the putative foreign minister, the incumbent, Javier Solana of Spain, could continue in the job, certainly for the first year or so. But he is not universally approved of, so other names are also in the frame. They include Carl Bildt of Sweden, Michel Bamier of France, Belgium's Mr. Verhofstadt and even Joschka Fischer, a former German foreign minister.
In the past the choices might have been made by Mr Sarkozy and Germany's Angela Merkel, maybe in cahoots with Britain's Gordon Brown. The views of this trio, especially Ms Merkel, still matter. But the EU now has members, including ten east European countries. That makes agreeing on one job, let alone four, harder. It may favour a conventional presidential pick: Mr Juncker or, if he is cancelled out by Mr Blair, Mr Schussel.
熱點關(guān)注：2018年CATTI三級筆譯模擬題306篇
